Partisan political paradox – Graphic Online

That is Ghana’s partisan political paradox?

A highly stable, electoral democracy is accompanied by intense, sometimes violent, partisan competition that threatens to undermine the very stability on which democracy depends.

Ghana is widely recognised as an African beacon of democracy – marked by regular, relatively peaceful, power shifts between the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP). At the same time, the political system is trapped in a winner-takes-all, hyper-partisan cycle that creates significant, long-term political and developmental challenges.

Origins

The foundation of today’s de facto two-party system lies in the colonial-era divide between the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) and the Convention People’s Party (CPP). Gold Coast nationalists were split between Kwame Nkrumah’s push for a unitary state (CPP) and opposition (later United Party) pursuit of federalist structures, setting the stage for binary opposition.

Ghana’s two-party system, dominated since 1992 by the NDC and the NPP, has its origins in the pre-independence ideological divides between Kwame Nkrumah’s left of centre CPP and parties of the Dr J.B. Danquah-Dr K.A. Busia tradition.

The latter are rooted in Ghana’s oldest political ideology, dating from the late 1940s, which forms the ideological foundation of today’s NPP. Rooted in liberal democracy, the emphasis is on individual freedom, rule of law, and a property-owning citizenry. 

Following the overthrow of Nkrumah’s one-party state by coup d’état in February 1966, subsequent civilian governments (1969-72, 1979-81) reflected competition between the pro-market Busia-Danquah tradition and Nkrumahist factions preferring state economic control.

Following a long period of military-based rule (1982-92), the Fourth Republic’s constitution institutionalised the traditional two-way ideological division into a stable two-party structure. The NPP represents traditional Busia-Danquah ancestry, and the NDC was formed from a ‘progressive alliance’ strongly associated with Rawlings rather than Kwame Nkrumah.

Reform

Since the return of electoral democracy in 1992, the NPP and NDC have alternated in power. Both parties have durable grass-roots structures.

The most recent general election – in December 2024 – was business as usual; or, nearly as usual: remarkably, the NDC won both presidential and parliamentary elections with thumping majorities.  

Does this mean the two-party system is safe? Not necessarily.

Around the world, political systems are undergoing radical change. For example, Britain has had a de facto two-party system for decades – but no longer: the Labour and the Conservative parties languish in the polls and the far-right Reform UK and the left of centre Green Party are surging.

Decline of the two-party system in Britain is indicative of a global disillusionment with the political status quo.

While in Ghana the ossified two-party system is critiqued, third parties fail to break the mould. How might Ghana’s underperforming two-party system be reformed?

The system currently reinforces a ‘winner-takes-all’ mentality, making it very difficult for third forces to gain traction.

Theoretically, a coalition of third forces could come together to form an electoral pact to challenge NDC/NPP dominance. The potential of such a pact would depend crucially on whether voters believe that voting for it would lead to real change.

There could be a targeting of swing voters and the youth.

With a 60.9 per cent turnout in 2024, there is clearly significant apathy among the electorate, especially among the youth (18-35 years).

If a new political force could capture their imagination and encourage them to come out and vote, then it might also directly appeal to the 27 per cent of voters who identify as independent.

Change

Political decentralisation might help to shift the dial. Allowing political parties actively to participate in local government elections at the district assembly level and electing mayors could help to break the centralised hold which the NDC and NPP have on the grass roots.

Then there is the prospect of constitutional and electoral reform, involving a shift from the current ‘winner-takes-all’ system to proportional representation which could lead to a meaningful multiparty milieu.

Focusing on policy over patronage could undermine the current system built on patronage and ethnic and regional voting patterns.

Finally, a new, issue-based, or non-partisan, grass-roots movement could help challenge the entrenched, zero-sum nature of the two-party system. 

In essence, sustained disillusionment with the two main parties and persistent economic pressures could create an opening for fundamental change to the existing political arrangements – to be achieved without undermining Ghana’s 34 years of democracy.

The writer is Emeritus Professor of Politics, London Metropolitan University, UK